Back from being away

I now declare the 2004 blogging season open. Disregard this post — it’s my spring trainingThat’s baseball terminology, as Matthew will be proud to see me use.. I have not entirely been away from the web these past two weeks, I have checked in occasionally to dispense with blogspam and fire off the odd comment when I could not resist, and I did make good use of some of my Christmas holiday to redesign felixsalmon.com, penned by that renowned metrosexualist Felix, domiciled in the Lower East Side, and his Antarctic sister, the pre-Nobel atmospheric scientist RhianHence pink for Felix, blue for Rhian. It’s a no-brainer if you know them.. My help was not entirely altruistic: Now I no longer have to wade through the overwrought NYT analyses, useless Las Vegas eatery reviews and dubious design tips from the clueless to get to the breathless highs of Antarctic living, journal style, in the best tradition of the earliest explorersKidding! But only because I know how competitive Felix is., because Felix’s and Rhian’s posts are now separate, if you like. The coolest page though, if you ask me, shows you where Rhian is.

Because you are not reading this, herewith an aside as to some technical trickery in felixsalmon.com’s new design. By the judicious use of stylesheets and Movable Type tags (specifically, using MT tags as components in style names) I was able to give the posts of different authors different looks. Then, the right-hand column uses the “overflow: hidden” style attribute for DIV tags to allow text to appear depending on the width of the browser, as first done on MemeFirst. This particular trick took a while to get right on the various browsers, and, by the way, if you use Windows exclusively, you have no idea how good a website can look. Standard Windows fonts suckIn my more strident moments I will concede that my web design philosophy is to make sites that look great on Macs and do not break on Windows, on the premise that people for whom design is important tend to use Macs in the first place.. All in all, the site is sure to irk the likes of design “guru” Joe Clark.

I spent Christmas at the family compound in Ireland. Next door, the Royal Dublin Society had a fair, on which was erected a tower whence were dropped, every 5 minutes, a bevy of prepubescent girls whose shrieks permeated Ballsbridge. These emanations of terror were oddly comforting; they put a constant smile on the face of our house guests — and I felt like I was on the set of Monsters Inc.

The way back to Sweden, pace Ryanair, wended its way through a day’s stopover in Glasgow, where the architecture had me flooredDreadful and unintentional pun.. Granted, my expectations were low, but I had no idea that Glasgow is an Art Nouveau destination on a par with Brussels or Barcelona, and all thanks to Charles Rennie Mackintosh.

Then, on New Year’s day, I moved apartments. With that out of the way, let the blogging begin.

The Perle vs. Marshall debate

A week ago, Richard Perle got up and said:

Defined as a robust approach, I think it is fair to say that not only is the neoconservative moment not over, it is, sorry Josh, just beginning. What is also not over is the left’s obsession with neoconservatism, or what they believe neoconservatism is. An obsession that if you look at Mr. Marshall’s blog you will find preoccupies what I think must be almost every waking moment. [6:30]

The occasion was a debate at the Hudson Institute, a neocon think tank, with as topic “Is the neoconservative moment over?” What follows is two hours of essential and riveting viewing, available free and on demand at the C-Span website and worth checking out in a lull between food-induced stupors this Christmas holiday, because none other than neoconservatism’s prime operative lays out the most honest and articulate apologia I’ve heard for Bush’s post-9/11 policies. Joshua Marshall, the butt of barely concealed disdain by Perle, Mentioning “the execrable Robert Fisk,” Perle turns to Marshall and says “I suspect he’s a pal of yours.” plays the role of pi“ada in a roomful of neocons, but manages to make the obvious broadsides in return. It’s the ideological equivalent of an ambulance hitting a schoolbus, in slow motion, on video, and it left me agape at times.

In the audience sat Michelle Goldberg, of Salon, and she wrote up the event here. Marshall of course covers it in his blog here, here and here. It turns out Josh was on the tail end of a flu-ish bout, hence his inability, perhaps, to muster indignation at jibe after jibe. Or perhaps he just has bloggers’ thick skin. This triangulation of perspectives fills out our view of the event rather nicely, but there is still a bit more to squeeze from it:

First, the C-Span camera crew seems to have a policy that cut-aways from the debate protagonists must include long lingering closeups of all the pretty women in the room. And I must say that there were quite a few in attendance. Are they all neocons? I wonder how much of this neocon machismo is just another tactic to get chicks? To be fair, Marshall himself flirts via his blog with Salon’s GoldbergTo get a good, long, lingering look at Goldberg’s “downtown haircut and style of dress”, fast forward to 1:20:42 on your Real Player.. Is US foreign policy just the result of policy wonks trying to get laid? I thought West Wing was fiction.

Second, I think Perle may have been too honest:

Everything we did after September 11 might well have been done before September 11, with two obvious added benefits. We would have avoided September 11 and we could probably have destroyed much of the Al Qaeda network while it was comfortably ensconced behind the protection of the Taliban regime in Afghanistan. But we waited too long. This has led some of us, and I believe it helped lead President Bush to the conclusion that we mustn’t wait too long with respect to Iraq. [10:45]

Which is really a remarkable admission. Is he admitting that the decision to remove Saddam was taken soon after 9/11, subsequent facts be damned? Did missing the intelligence that could have prevented 9/11 really justify being paranoid subsequently with Iraq? Maddeningly, I don’t remember Marshall or anyone else pressing Perle on the practice of stovepiping, the triumph of ideology over accuracy that whipped the White House into a war frenzy and which is now a major source of contention.

Marshall does try to corner Perle on the fact that in the absence of WMDs, if you plan to justify pre-emptively invading Iraq on the lesser charge of Saddam failing to prove a lack of WMDs to your satisfaction, you need to demonstrate a reasonable chance of your policy being successful, because other policy options are available. Is erring on the side of caution really a good idea when the error involves the additional costs of alienating allies, sidelining the UN, trodding all over international law and widespread popular resentment, not to mention US lives and a lot of money?

To Perle, this line of argumentation is scorn-inducing, but to me, it made the game of Spot the Paranoid Ideologue far too easy: Perle cannot conceive that those who disagree with his beliefs are sincere. I, at least, am willing to believe Perle means what he says. If Perle thinks asking whether there could have been more productive ways to spend such scarce resources is tantamount to a self-hating attempt to sabotage the defense of the homeland, then I think Perle forfeited the intellectual debate. And I mean that.

Freedom Tower

freedomtower.jpg
Freedom Tower
First, read Felix’s detailed tour of Freedom Tower, unveiled Friday. He was my eyes and ears for this post. What follows is my take:

I’m cautiously pessimistic about this structure. It brought a whole range of associations to the fore, none of them really positive:

It could look meek: I perfectly understand that nobody wants to work on the 110th floor anymore. 9/11 changed the long-term future of urban landscapes by tragically demonstrating that huge skyscrapers collect too many eggs in one basket and thus make too tempting a target.

One solution is not to build more 110 story skyscrapers. It’s an honest response to changed conditions. But building a 110 story skyscraper and then only using the bottom two thirds of it is too tangible a nod to Al Qaeda. It begins to sound like a building with a chip on its shoulders, with the trellis outlining up to where we would have built if only it weren’t for the terrorists, who, in other words, have already won.

It could look unfinished: The trelliswork at the top looks suspiciously like scaffolding. What’s going to keep it from looking perenially unfinished? Buildings permanently left unfinished — like the Antwerp Cathedral — betray a certain lack of will to get the job done.

It shows no unity of purpose: Instead, it looks like design by committee, or by negotiation (not surprising, as that’s what it was), along the lines of “you can have your trellis if I can have my spire.” Now we have both, and the whole is less than the sum of its partsthink.jpg
Think’s World Cultural Center
.

About that spire: When a spire emerges as an inescapable conclusion derived from the internal logic of a building’s architecture, as with the Chrysler building, it makes for the most satisfying works ever. But if it just sticks out of the ground, as with the Dublin Spire, its purpose mystifies. The Freedom Tower’s spire, placed as it is now, tends to the latter, baffling kind. Libeskind original winning design had a much stronger logic for its spike.

I find myself wishing we could build something clearly better, more playful and optimistic, and I think back to the finalist that lost out to Libeskind, Think’s World Cultural Center (portrayed left). The twin towers pay homage to the World Trade Center but improve on its esthetics, and the entirety of the structure is made up of audacious architectural flourishes never seen before. But above all, the lattice work serves a purpose, as does the height. Dangling an opera house or similar cultural landmark 500 meters up in the air is an inspired move, because while we might not want to be there from 9 to 5 Monday to Friday, we will all gladly play hero for a few hours at a time. And it’s a much better way of telling the terrorists that we have already won.

Chrétienté, Égalité, Fraternité

I never thought I’d see the day I find myself agreeing with France’s National Front, but today it happened: Jean Marie Le Pen’s daughter Marine, vice president of the FN, said Jaques Chirac’s speech today calling for the banning of “ostentatious” (ostensible) religious symbols (i.e. Muslim headscarves) from schools and workplaces was “a sort of apology for immigration.”

That’s exactly what it came across as. I am quite simply aghast at this turn of events. It’s enough to make an atheist like myself wear a headscarf out of solidarity, so imagine how reasonable French Muslims are going to react.

Why ban just religious ostentatious symbols? I can think of far more annoying ostentatious symbols that are not religious: Why not ban the ostentatious use of nationalist symbols at school or the workplace, like overlarge flags? Why not ban driving ostentatious cars to work, so as not to offend your poorer coworkers? What about ostentatious homes?

The actual speech [French] is full of paeans to France’s invention of human rights, and how freedom is a cornerstone of French society. You can just feel the “but” coming on. And here it is:

Pour autant, ce mouvement doit trouver ses limites dans le respect des valeurs communes.

But who decides what are the common values that determine what constitutes ostentatious religious speech? (And wearing a headscarf is speech, clearly.) Most Muslim women do not wear the headscarf to annoy Chirac, or at least did not do so until today. They do not consider it ostentatious; on the contrary, they consider it a sign of modesty. It might be ostentatious by Christian standards, granted, and there’s the rub. Chirac, his sober Christian sensibilities offended by the colorful enthusiasms of devout Muslim faith, has used a Christian benchmark to determine what constitutes an excessive display of religious affinity.

But didn’t Chirac just say he wanted to defend the secular character of French institutions? Doing so by favoring the norms of one religion over another is a terrible start, not just because it can be seen to be discriminatory, but because it is. It’s especially in the matter of religion that you must not limit speech according to the norms of the religious majority. This is the whole point of tolerance: you grin and bear religious behaviour you’d rather not seeIf secularism is so important, why not use a “zero-tolerance” benchmark for ostentatious religious symbolism and outlaw all kinds, including all sizes of crosses? Because too many people currently wear crosses?.

This so exasperating that you almost want to shake Chirac and ask him what part of “Liberté, Égalité, Fraternité” he doesn’t understand, though I now know the answer.

He’s not even aware he is applying a double standard. Elsewhere, he says:

Notre objectif, c’est d’ouvrir les esprits et les c˙urs. C’est de faire comprendre aux jeunes concernés les enjeux de la situation et de les protéger contre les influences et les passions qui, loin de les libérer ou de leur permettre d’affirmer leur libre arbitre, les contraignent ou les menacent.

and

Au moment o˘ s’affaissent les grandes idéologies, l’obscurantisme et le fanatisme gagnent du terrain dans le monde.

Muslims youth now knows: As far as Chirac is concerned, wanting to wear a headscarf to school means you have succumbed to obscurantism and fanaticism, and a law will be put into place to save you from your silly self. Luckily, a law is all it takes — as soon as you are prohibited from wearing a headscarf to school or work, you will be liberated, magically, from your desire to do so.

Finally, this law is a disgrace for the way in which it will influence behavior in situations outside of work and school. For while it is still legal to wear a headscarf on the bus or while shopping, women who do so have been put on notice that they are pursuing an activity that has been officially deprecated by the state, and that it jars with the will of the moral majority. By wearing a headscarf, they are now bad Frenchwomen. Some liberté.

EUseless

My friend Marc Young in Berlin berated me at the time of the Swedish EMU referendum for contributing to the event being, in his words, “the high water mark” for the European project. Swedes rejecting EMU would deal a blow to the momentum of the EU that would result in the collapse of the cooperative spirit that had been pushing the project forward.

Two events subsequent to the referendum make it look increasingly that Marc was right about the “high water mark,” though it is hardly due to the efforts of the SwedesThe Swedes, in the meantime, are increasingly grateful [Swedish] they did not commit to the euro on Sept 14.. These are:

1. The Stability and Growth Pact, a silly rule-based attempt to shoehorn European economies into responsible spending, failed spectacularly, but it should never have been implemented. The need for a (hopefully sane) replacement system reveals another weakness in the euro project: individual states can undermine confidence in a common currency by spending recklessly — it is not just the European Central Bank’s interest rate that directly affects the economic health of euroland. But when is spending reckless and when is it a necessary kick in the ass of a national economy? National governments will disagree. And how can you argue that euroland economies are synchronized if some are trying to spend their way out of a recession while others have budget surpluses?

At the risk of repeating myself: The euro makes sense for a core of countries whose economies are tied to that of Germany. For the rest of Europeans, the euro is a bad idea, because they are not part of the euro’s optimal currency area. There is nothing ideological to this line of thinking. The current mess is directly attributable to an economic project having been hijacked for political ends.

2. The EU summit this weekend failed, and I am pleased. National leaders will now have to admit they cannot push ahead while merely treating the symptoms of the ills besieging the EU project. To me, there are two fundamental problems with the EU currently, and they interact in a vicious circle:

Where’s the subsidiarity?

The haggling over national voting rights is a symptom of the failure of national governments to cede power to their intended replacements — representative bodies like the EU parliament and regional authorities. Remember the principle of subsidiarity? It was all the rage when I was a fledgling European back in the 80s, but in the past 15 years that powerful idea has been turned into a vague guiding principle the Commission and Council of Ministers need only pay lip service to. The Shroeders, Chiracs and Aznars of Europe are proving incapable of signing themselves into relative irrelevance. It’s trite but true: bureaucracies are institutionally incapable of divesting themselves of power. By now, the Council of Ministers should no longer be a prize worth haggling over. Real power should reside in the European Parliament when it concerns continent-wide matters, and at a regional level when it is a local matter.

Where’s the accountability?

The European Parliament was created as a vessel for representing the will of Europeans, and it is waiting patiently, but instead power remains concentrated in the EU’s less accountable organs. National governments are genuinely reluctant (or pretend to be) to sign away their powers to EU umbrella organizations if these are less democratic than the current setup.

Of course, these same national governments constitute the Council of Ministers, the body that should long ago have ceded its powers to the more democratic EU bodiesShenanigans like creating new commissioners as countries are added to the EU roster is precisely the wrong direction to proceed in. There is no relation whatsoever between the optimal number of departments for conducting European affairs and the number of countries in the EU..

A lack of accountability in the EU diminishes popular support for a movement towards truly Europe-wide government, which in turn diminishes pressure on national governments to prepare accountable replacements for governing. It’s a catch-22.

I hope this voting rights roadblock that scuttled this weekend’s EU summit is insurmountable. Only then will national governments have to look for a solution that actually progresses the cause of the EU as intended by the likes of Jean Monnet“There were two main ideas that dominated Monnet’s vision on how Europe should be built. On the one hand, Europe should be built on concrete achievements rather than on visions and ideas. On the other hand, an enduring European community should be based on common, stable institutions and not just on inter-governmental cooperation.”.

I was also extremely pleased with the failure to agree on the rest of the text for the European Constitution. Every version I’ve seen of that proposed document is hostage to narrow interests and exclusionary thinking. It fails completely to inspire. Even I can do better, so here is my preamble — as it should be, it is vague on he details but crystal clear on the fundamentals:

We the peoples, having fought against one another for millenia on the grounds of race, religion, language and ideology, have learned our lesson. No longer shall our differences outweigh our common humanity. Henceforth, our societies will be open and liberal, respectful of the UN charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and in addition embracing the best practices in democracy, market economics, social equity, unfettered trade amongst ourselves and with others, the free movement of labor, and ecology.

Our aim is to build societies that allow all individual lives to be lived to their fullest potential without squandering the resources of future generations. To this end, and recognizing that governing bodies gain legitimacy from below, not above, we are pursuing a system of cooperative governance according to the principle of subsidiarity. Sovereignty on individual matters will reside as locally as practicable.

We believe that this way lies peace and prosperity, and hence we urge all other societies to join us in adopting these guiding principles.

We put that, or something like it, to a Europe-wide vote, and if the answer is no I’ll gladly move to South Africa.

A post of whose kind there are far too many on the web

I’m back from being away from the web for a week, precipitated by an exploding power adapter whose replacement I kept postponing the purchase of because my evenings were suddenly being filled with wonderful books. And Swedish televisionI do have web access at work, but my employer will be glad to know that blogging from work is not my forte..

One of the books I finally read this week was Five Points, purchased in an initial flurry of enthusiasm when Gangs of New York came out. Author Tyler Anbinder laments frequently how there are so few narratives by Five Pointers themselves — most of his primary sources were outside accounts by journalists, reformers, police and travellers.

Five Pointers certainly never thought their neighborhood was worth documenting, nor that they would be of interest to future generations. If only they had. Today, the neighborhoods of lower Manhattan boast a surfeit of personal narratives, all pre-sorted and indexed for future generations of historians to peruse in excruciating detail.

I’ve been wondering if our writing blogs changes how we perceive ourselves in the eyes of the future. I don’t think we exactly pitch our stories to the future, but it certainly has crossed my mind that what I write will probably survive in some searchable archive somewhere, and it is imperative therefore either 1) to be right and/or accurate, or 2) to be self-deprecating about matters that most likely betray assumptions the future will be disabused of. My own strategy has been to aim for (1) but settle for (2).

Will future historians bother with blogs at all? They might dismiss the whole medium on account of it containing far too many self-referential sentences such as this one. Or this one. Blogs have to compete, after all, with TV, newspapers, books, academic studies, movies, and oodles of statistics and records. Do blogs add anything to the future historian’s perspective on us?

I venture yes. Perhaps the most-loved primary source of contemporary historians is the personal journal. It gives the kind of color that official histories and bank records cannot capture. There is no reason why that should change in the future.

* * *

Not blogging for a week does not mean that the urge to blog was quieted. Watching the Nobel prizes being handed out and then the banquet live on Swedish TV offered ample opportunity for color commentary that I did not, alas, indulge in. The highlights only, then: Princess Madeleine; Prime Minister Persson showing off his newest wife; and JM Coetzee’s odd but riveting banquet speech, delivered in clear staccato fragments that had you focus on every syllable.

The other day, suddenly, out of the blue, while we were talking about something completely different, my partner Dorothy burst out as follows: “On the other hand,” she said, “on the other hand, how proud your mother would have been! What a pity she isn’t still alive! And your father too! How proud they would have been of you!”

It certainly had me wondering what had been said on the one hand.

Positive-sum games

Civilization, I’ve decided, is the ability of a society to sustain positive-sum games. Successful positive-sum games consist of all the players choosing the cooperative option over the selfish option, in the expectation that everyone does. Sure, individuals gain even more if they defect, so although there are incentives to cheat, there is also an incentive for other players to police cheaters.

The most basic of these games are played every day, and we are compelled to play them because they are encoded in laws: We observe property rights, human rights, speed limits and tax laws. We abide by the results of democratic elections. These compulsions are virtually second nature — to most of us the concept of ownership has taken on a physical reality — but once they were not. Modern democracy is now the gold standard of civilization, but it began as an audacious experiment whose benefits were only evident with time.

The more such games a society can sustain, the more civilized it is. Civilization is not to be confused with modernity, though many of these games evolve with the advance of technology: For example, intellectual property rights have become harder to enforce in the digital domain, but after an initial run of selfishness, many of us are recognizing the need to pay for digital delivery of a song or clever software.

To me, the most interesting games are the ones we are not compelled to play by force of law. Civil society contains a whole range of these, both new and old: We turn off cell phones in cinemas, we let passengers off the subway before boarding and we give directions, because reciprocating such behaviour means everyone is better off by a margin far greater than the utility freely curtailed in the short run by the individual. Newstand owners will tell you to pay tomorrow if you don’t have the correct change, and you do pay. You pick up garbage at picturesque spots.

We’re conditioned, as social beings, to act this way, often without rationally weighing the pros and cons first. And yet it is obvious that the aim is to maximize our individual utility in the long run. Civilized societies are inhabited by those smart enough to recognize that the best way to satisfy the instincts is by choosing collaboration over instant gratification in return for a larger reward later. The more people realize this, the fewer defectors there are. The fewer defectors there are, the more such games can be played before those that do defect erode the positive effects.

Of all the societies I’ve drifted through, and there have been plenty, I must nominate the Swedes (and previously, the Norwegians) as the society where the positive-sum game is played most competently. I notice it every day: A lunch place near where I work has an unattended basket of money where you pay and whence you take your change. Recycling is an obsession. Queues are flawless; often they aren’t even needed, because a numbering system takes care of it. Women with babies in strollers are allowed free on busses. There is an extraordinarily low murder rate. Corruption is among the world’s lowest.

Why might this be? Because Sweden is such a homogeneous society, and people who look alike look after each other? But that’s simply not true: in 2002 11.8% of Sweden’s population was foreign born, compared to 11.5% for that “melting pot”, the US. Maybe the benefits of playing the positive-sum game are made clearer to recent immigrants to Sweden. Maybe the winnings from playing in Sweden are stacked in such a way that everyone feels they have a stake in society.

Is there room for improvement? Are there positive-sum games with even greater returns that we are not yet playing because the benefits of collaboration are not transparent enough, or because the incentive to defect is too tempting? Eurof and I have had this conversation intermittently for a decade, in various forms. To put it bluntly: Can something akin to communism’s “from each according to his ability, to each according to his needs” evolve naturally? Is such a society within the realm of possible human activity, or does it go against our very nature, our selfish instincts? Remember that we already play positive-sum games to satisfy our instincts; why not just raise the stakes and hence our winnings? Eurof contends it cannot be done, but he can elaborate in his comments if he wishes.

I am cautiously optimistic that such a society can evolve over time, but with two caveats. The first is that we might not ever get there all the way, but that society, Swedish society at least, is moving in that direction. More and more, we are capable of abstracting the process by which effort begets reward. It’s clear that the future will involve more behaviour based on this ability, not less.

Second, there is a minimum quality of life that the overwhelming majority of the population needs to have before you can play for higher stakes. Communism is not for the poor. Sweden is eradicating poverty in its midst, surely, if not evenly,A report released Friday by Rädda Barnen/Save the Children shows 262,000 Swedish children were classified poor in 2001, 34,000 fewer than in 2000. and as it does so there will be progressively fewer desperate people for whom defecting brings a disproportionately large reward increase. The eradication of poverty is a prerequisite for, not a result of communism.

This is where Charles et al will usually retort that poverty is a relative concept, that there will always be poor as long as there are rich. Charles is right. The common assumption, though, is that low wealth disparity in society, though feasible via a policy of progressive taxation, is not desirable because it saps economic incentive. In fact, if it’s not the other way round, the best we can say is that there is very little correlation between income disparity and growth. [PDF] Sweden, for example, has robust growth and low income inequality.

It’s going to take a while before we get there — quite possibly another half millenium or so. But don’t forget that 500 years ago democracy was a ludicrous notion.

Ok boys, the post is all yours. Go rip it to shreds.

Julkommitté

HELP. I’ve been volunteered to the Julkommitté, or Christmas committee, where I work: It’s my very first representative position at a Swedish institution, no less, and so far I’ve managed to avoid embarrassment by agreeing with most everything that is suggested. It’s shouldn’t be hard, really: We get a sum of money and have to spend it creatively on a Christmas party. This year, we’re going on a boat around the harbor.

But there has to be a theme, apparently, involving a quiz. You cannot have a julfest without theme and a quiz. Not ever having been to an organized julfest, I suggested Who-wants-to-be-a-millionaire-style multiple choice questions involving fun facts about Sweden, like: The percentage of foreign students in Sweden is a) 7.8% b) 14.3% c) 19.0% d) 40%.

This was met with jahas and the short sharp intakes of breath, both of which mean “not necessarily no, but certainly not yes.” So I really want to wow them for the next meeting, today, Tuesday at 3pm Stockholm time. Any ideas?

The Letter, part 3: Margaretha writes back

[If you haven’t yet read The Letter, parts one and two, please do so first. This post won’t make any sense otherwise]

Margaretha wrote back this afternoon. I think it is time to take a backseat and let the story tell itself…

After our conversation my son absolutely wanted to have a look at the letter so we checked it out yesterday already. Today at work I told several colleagues and also my daughter. Everyone thinks it’s a great story and wants to hear more.
 
I grew up in Halmstad and had just graduated from high school in 1970, after which I found work at the Swedish Central bank in Stockholm. In the spring of 1970 I was going out with Bengt, who that year began his military service at P2, which was an armoured regiment in Hässleholm. Bengt came to visit me in Stockholm, but I had made new friends and so I broke up with him when he visited. I met Bengt one more time during the Christmas holidays that year, but since then we have not been in touch.
 
I don’t remember the letter, but it is correctly addressed to me so I could well have had it. In the autumn of that year I moved to Vasastan. The theory about the bookmark may well be right, but I do not remember the letter, alas.
 
In 1976 I married Rolf, with whom I have two children — Monika, who is 22 and studying to become a journalist, and Olof, 18 and in high school. We have lived most in Stockholm, but also some time in Luxembourg and Gothenburg. I work as an economist at a waste management firm called S—.
Efter ditt samtal igår ville absolut min son titta på brevet så vi gick in redan igår. Idag har jag berättat om det för flera arbetskamrater och även för min dotter. Alla tycker det är en fantastisk historia och vill gärna höra mer.

Jag växte upp i Halmstad och hade tagit studenten 1970, därefter fick jag arbete på Sveriges Riksbank i Stockholm. Under våren-70 hade jag sällskap med Bengt som det året påbörjade sin militärtjänstgöring på P2 som var ett pansarförband i Hässleholm. Bengt besökte mig i Stockholm, men jag hade fått nya vänner och hade väldigt roligt så jag gjorde slut med Bengt vid hans besök. Jag träffade Bengt ytterligare en gång under julhelgen det året, men sedan har vi inte haft någon kontakt.

Jag minns inte brevet, men det var rätt adresserat så jag kan ha haft det. På hösten det året flyttade jag till Vasastan.

Teorin om bokmärke kan stämma men jag minns inte brevet, tyvärr.

1976 gifte jag mig med Rolf som jag fått två barn med Monika som är 22 år och utbildar sig till journalist och Olof som är 18 år och går på gymnasiet. Vi har bott mest i Stockholm, men även en tid i Luxemburg och i Göteborg. Jag arbetar som ekonom i ett företag i sopbranschen som heter S—.

Margareta, who signs her name without an h, goes on to mention that she’s found a Bengt M— (the letter didn’t contain his last name) living outside of Halmstad. And shall we contact him?

This story isn’t over yet, in other words.